An American Corridor in Syria Asharq Alawsat Newspaper (English)
 
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An American Corridor in Syria

07/06/2005

Mamoun Fandy is senior fellow for Gulf security and director of the Middle East programme at the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) in London. Before joining IISS he previously served as Senior Fellow of Arab and Middle East Politics at the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy at Rice University. Prior to that he was a Senior Fellow at the United States Institute of Peace in Washington DC, Professor of Middle East Politics at the Near East–South Asia Center for Strategic Studies (NESA) at the National Defense University, and Professor of Arab Politics at Georgetown University. His articles have appeared the New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, the Financial Times, and the Christian Science Monitor.
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"I have no information about a strip to separate Syria and Iraq, but I can confirm that US troops have been engaged in combat operations inside Syrian territory for months." This is what an official from the United States State Department told me, in response to a question I asked on rumors of the imminent creation of a separation strip between Iraq and its Western neighbor which will extend 10km wide into Syrian land. With regard to this subject, three scenarios seem to be under discussion.

In the first instance, the US military will create a strip of land to be modeled after that used by Israel in South Lebanon to enable it to wage preemptive strikes against the Lebanese resistance. Supporters of this view see the current relationship between Syria and Iraq resembling the past relationship between Beirut and Tel Aviv. They speak of host centers in Syria that assist Arab fighters to crossing the border and join the resistance against US military presence. As such, they argue, in order to eliminate the resistance, the American military should penetrate into Syria territory, for a distance of 10 km, and eradicate these centers offering logistical support. This perspective is presented as a pre-emptive security measure that doesn't aim to destabilize Syria, but rather, to abolish support for the fighters.

The second scenario sees a return to the situation in Iraq before the last Gulf War when the country was divided into three zones, the Northern Zone, where Iraqi planes were banned from flying, north of the latitude 36 degrees north, and the Southern Zone, where the regime's aircraft was also barred from flying, south of the latitude 36 degrees north, and the area in between. In addition to being a no-fly zone, the Southern region was also a no-drive zone for Iraqi government vehicles. Currently, the Pentagon is studying the feasibility of applying a similar plan along the 380 mile-long Iraqi-Syrian border. If this plan were to become reality, it will bring difficulties to the regime in Damascus; it will be trapped between the Occupied Golan Heights in the South, and the US occupied strip in the East. Is this arrangement a clear declaration of US intentions to encircle and destabilize the regime of President Bashar Assad in Syria?

The US government has already held discussions with a number of Arab

governments to look into establishing a corridor or a separation passageway between Syria and Iraq. In this third scenario, according to a senior Arab official, the width of corridor will be less than the 10km proposed in the first instance. This suggestion has benefited from the support of Arab governments, which according to an informed source, are keen to prove to Washington that their citizens are not crossing into Iraq and killing US soldiers. This last proposal, I imagine, is more likely to be accepted, to avoid the other two models: the Iraqi no-fly zone and the Lebanese-Israeli border strip.

If one is to compare the statement from the State Department official, that his country's military has been active inside Syria for over three months, with the past US statements that indicate the administration's intention of avoiding military confrontation with Syria, one is bound to conclude that matters are on course for a showdown.

It is impossible for any regime, in Syria or beyond, to accept the new separation strip, for it represents a US occupation of sorts, especially given Israel's continuing presence in the Golan Heights. This is a clear indication of bad intentions towards Damascus. Will the Assad regime defend itself by drumming up support for the resistance in Iraq to exhaust the US military before it enters Syria? Or will Damascus grudgingly accept the new situation which will undoubtedly harm its powerful image internally and in the region, and empower the country's opposition.

The proposed border strip is also an Iraqi request, with some of the country's officials calling upon the US government to set up this separation zone. According to one source, the most recent request was made during the Iraqi visit to Washington DC.

The situation is increasingly complicated across the Near East with

instability in Iraq and troubles in Lebanon that seem to be heading Syria's way. Some observers judge the new plan for the Syrian-Iraqi border to be yet another proof of US intentions to split up the region and reconstruct according to its wishes, which might be true from an indigenous perspective.

But, from the US administration's point of vue, it is faced with continuing violence in Iraq and growing evidence that Arab fighters, especially from the Persian Gulf, are crossing the border from Syria and receiving support and finds from inside the country's borders. This is what propels US troops to enter Syrian territory in pursuit of resistance fighters, following Secretary of Defence Donald Rumsfeld.'s doctrine of pre-emptive action.

Syria's response to these growing threats was to test two Scud D-type missiles with a range of 700km. The US and Israeli governments reacted by warning Damascus it was" distancing itself. Is this an indication of an intention to truly distance, besiege, and destabilize Syria? It seems events are quickly moving in this direction.

The government in Damascus now finds itself in a critical situation. It needs help from its Arab neighbours, not by sending al Qaeda-style fighters, but by tabling a collective diplomatic initiative to give Syria a breathing space and framework to avoid being in the shooting range of US weapons.

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Readers Comments
NameCamille-Alexandre , CA
Date ž02/ž05/ž26
Mamoun, and other leading Arab journalists are always advising Syria to be flexible and cooperative and wise... Sounds like good advice. But assuming Syria goes for that conciliatory first move, what comes next? In the case of Syria, if Mamoun and others would be willing to apply the necessary cognitive resources, they will find that many of these expected outcomes are not attractive at all, not to the leaders who are advised to start the process of their own end, and not to the country that might fall into chaos. If you are motivating someone to change, this is not a classic strategy. Given that a decision had been made to not grant President Assad and his regime any perceptions of success no matter what they do (like the recent complete withdrawal from Lebanon) then we should assume that the fall of the regime is a highly probable outcome if they go along the road of endless compromises with no rewards. Or, in other words, if they listen to their Arab friends' advice. The quick fall in disgrace of the Syrian regime is probably not a good thing for Syria. There must be a smarter way to motivate the Syrians to change, with minimum bloodshed, and with minimum humiliation. Syria is not a homogenious society. If Iraq has a Sunni/Kurdish/Shiite challenge, then Syria has a few more. Syria was kept together in a reasonable way so far; it is one of the safest countries to live in. To maintain stability while changing the current formula dramatically overnight, would be wishful thinking. There has to be some tolerance for a transition period. Change is good, but not at any cost. The best way for Mamoun to help Syria is to advocate a new American policy of carrots+sticks (not only sticks) next time he is speaking at the press club in Washington DC, or next time he is at the Baker institute. Flynt Leverett's book "inheriting Syria" would be a good reading to remind everyone of the benefit of the old fashioned Carrots as instruments of foreign policy. Having said that, I still liked your articel here.
NameKadhim , CA
Date ž05/ž05/ž26
Its funny that Arabs are always looking at the moves that US or a foreign power might take, and they rarely (or never) take a look at themselves. The source of this problem lies with a fascistic and dictatorial regime in Damascus. Whan will Arabs look into the mirror and stop impotently and defeatedly blaming others? Kadhim
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